put a spell on you

Best video I’ve seen yet on sexual harassment in Egypt. The reactions of the harassers are priceless!

Hold your head up high and be proud of yourself, your gender and your right to walk freely in our male-dominated society. Don’t let the shame kill your voice, it is the harassers who should ashamed, it is they who should put their heads down. It may be YOU that allows the next sexual harasser to think twice before they lift a finger, throw a nasty comment or stare at you inappropriately. YOU may be the girl to change this. SPEAK UP!

omg, do you speak ancient egyptian? Can you write my name in hieorga…umm, I am not sure how to say it, lol but it’s that ancient language with pictures, it’s sooo cool.

omg, do you ride camels?

omg, what do you mean you have cars, like you guys have heard of cars?

omg, what do you mean Egypt is in Africa? But you guys aren’t black!

Mosque in Giza - Cairo, Egypt

By: Ivan Serra

dynamicafrica:

TW: Rape, Sexual Assault, Violence.

“Egyptian women have always historically participated in public life … not only as protesters but also defending people. The role of women threatens. We are in a patriarchal society. Women are a big part of the group demanding more rights, there is a strong sense of women empowerment, however the society is not accepting that.

“If we look at the discourse used by the Muslim Brotherhood and the regime towards women … it is all related to sexuality and the body. It is never related to issues of equal pay … these tapes you mentioned that has become an epidemic is part of the plan to get different groups of people not to participate in Tahrir. It is very alive and it will not stop,” says Omran.

Sexual harassment and attacks on women in Egypt were a problem before the January 25 revolution, but in the two years since the Arab Spring came to Cairo, the problem has grown worse.

Violent assaults - groping, stripping and rapes have become increasingly frequent at the heart of the uprising, Tahrir Square.

Sexual assault in Egypt, activists say, has become a weapon of war against women. Many have long stayed silent, but not anymore.

One of those making their voices heard is Ragia Omran, a prominent lawyer, human rights activist, and feminist. She talks to Al Jazeera about the women abused in Egypt, the role of women, and why she refuses to stay silent.

I am sorry, but I completely disagree with some of what has been said above. Much of the argument above is based around the assumption that the problem of sexual assault and harassment in Egypt “has grown worse” and nothing could be further from the truth. Sexual assault before the revolution was just as bad as it is now. The only difference is that no one was talking about it then, no one dared to discuss such a “shameful” topic. Anyone who tried broaching the issue was quickly silenced. Indeed, one of the most prominent attempts to try and address the issue, the 2010 Egyptian film ‘678’, faced a barrage of criticisms, not from the Muslim Brotherhood (which many have tried to lay the blame of sexual harassment on) but from the ‘liberal’ Mubarak government and its allies.

Ragia Omran also says in the discussion that “If we look at the discourse used by the Muslim Brotherhood and the regime towards women … it is all related to sexuality and the body.” Where’s her evidence? This is nothing but a cheap ploy to try and scapegoat a group for an issue which the whole of society is to be blamed for ignoring and making worse. I am in no way, shape or form trying to lay the blame on Ragia or others like her who have been brutally assaulted and harassed. Such despicable actions should be severely punished. No woman deserves to have anything like that done to her, ever. However, the blame cannot be placed on the Muslim Brotherhood alone. It’s easy to blame a well-known group or figure, people love to demonise, to scorn one party for all their problems. This solves nothing. Where is the solution offered by the opposition? Where’s the condemnation of sexual assault from all the prominent political parties and groups? Where are the harsh sentences for the perpetrators? Where’s the acknowledgment by society of the fact that the victims of sexual assault and harassment are NEVER to blame?

I am glad that women like Ragia are speaking out, this is extremely important. I am glad that such an issue is finally surfacing and receiving some coverage. However, it will take a long time before people and society start to actually address this issue. Mindsets are hard to change. Lack of media coverage is a big problem and it means that the stereotypes and stigmas associated with sexual harassment and assault will continue. The victims of such attacks are in need of much help and support. That said, I think those who are most in need of help here are the general public in Egypt, many of whom are completely ignorant about the issue and who hold a very negative mentality towards the victims of sexual assault. With more media coverage, talks, meetings and I think most importantly, Friday sermons in mosques and services in churches, the stigmas attached to the issue will eventually start to ebb away. This topic needs to seriously start being addressed publicly, on newspapers, TV channels and places of worship for it to have a real chance of being solved.

Egyptian women resistance fighters in, 1956

This image above supposedly depicts Egyptian women fighters from Port Said, Egypt. A lot of images published like the one above by Nasser’s regime during the Suez Crisis claimed to be showing Egyptian women when in fact, a lot of them were actually of Greek origin. One prominent example of this is the following poster which purported to show a “young Egyptian woman” fighting for the honour of her country. The image is in fact of a young Greek woman, Popi Deligiorgi who was one of the first volunteers to join the Egyptian National Guard:

There were many other examples:

The Greek community in Egypt was once very well-established. At the start of the 20th century there were about 200,000 Greeks in Egypt. Today, the Greek community there has approximately 1,000 members.
It was a community that once controlled 80 per cent of Egypt’s financial life, founded the first bank, established the country’s first theatres and cinemas, and produced the first wines and cigarettes.
But this thriving community departed with the rise to power of Gamal Abdel Nasser and pan-Arab nationalism:

The exodus of Greeks from Egypt started during and after the revolution of 1952. With the establishment of the new sovereign regime of Gamal Abdel Nasser, rise of Pan-Arab nationalism and the subsequent nationalisation of many industries from 1957 and afterwards, thousands Greeks were forced to abandon the country. Many of them immigrated to Australia, the United States, Canada,South Africa, Western Europe, and Greece. Many Greek schools, churches, small communities and institutions subsequently closed. The Nasser regime was a major disaster for the Greek diaspora which afterwards has dwindled from many thousands to a handful. The dangerous situation in the Middle East has also deteriorated the conditions for the Greeks that stayed back in Egypt. It is estimated that between 1957 - 1962 almost 70% of the Egyptiot Greeks have left the country.

Nasser had no problem in exploiting the work of the Greeks in Egypt for his own propaganda and to maintain a polished image of his rule. When he no longer required their services, he simply had them leave the only life they knew in the country they had been born and raised in. We mustn’t forget the contributions of the Greeks and their history in Egypt.
If you’d like to find out more then I’d recommend you watch this fantastic documentary produced by Al Jazeera. You can also watch it in Arabic here.
[Wikipedia] [Al Jazeera] [ΑΡΧΑΙΑ ΑΙΓΥΠΤΟΣ]

Egyptian women resistance fighters in, 1956

This image above supposedly depicts Egyptian women fighters from Port Said, Egypt. A lot of images published like the one above by Nasser’s regime during the Suez Crisis claimed to be showing Egyptian women when in fact, a lot of them were actually of Greek origin. One prominent example of this is the following poster which purported to show a “young Egyptian woman” fighting for the honour of her country. The image is in fact of a young Greek woman, Popi Deligiorgi who was one of the first volunteers to join the Egyptian National Guard:

There were many other examples:

The Greek community in Egypt was once very well-established. At the start of the 20th century there were about 200,000 Greeks in Egypt. Today, the Greek community there has approximately 1,000 members.

It was a community that once controlled 80 per cent of Egypt’s financial life, founded the first bank, established the country’s first theatres and cinemas, and produced the first wines and cigarettes.

But this thriving community departed with the rise to power of Gamal Abdel Nasser and pan-Arab nationalism:

The exodus of Greeks from Egypt started during and after the revolution of 1952. With the establishment of the new sovereign regime of Gamal Abdel Nasser, rise of Pan-Arab nationalism and the subsequent nationalisation of many industries from 1957 and afterwards, thousands Greeks were forced to abandon the country. Many of them immigrated to Australia, the United States, Canada,South Africa, Western Europe, and Greece. Many Greek schools, churches, small communities and institutions subsequently closed. The Nasser regime was a major disaster for the Greek diaspora which afterwards has dwindled from many thousands to a handful. The dangerous situation in the Middle East has also deteriorated the conditions for the Greeks that stayed back in Egypt. It is estimated that between 1957 - 1962 almost 70% of the Egyptiot Greeks have left the country.

Nasser had no problem in exploiting the work of the Greeks in Egypt for his own propaganda and to maintain a polished image of his rule. When he no longer required their services, he simply had them leave the only life they knew in the country they had been born and raised in. We mustn’t forget the contributions of the Greeks and their history in Egypt.

If you’d like to find out more then I’d recommend you watch this fantastic documentary produced by Al Jazeera. You can also watch it in Arabic here.

[Wikipedia] [Al Jazeera] [ΑΡΧΑΙΑ ΑΙΓΥΠΤΟΣ]

(via dynamicafrica)

The tragedy of books in Egypt →

Looking at Egypt, historian Khaled Fahmy affords a harrowing insight into the status of that most indispensable of commodities: the book.

taweela:

My heart

Take me back to this beautiful place <3

(via habibtalby)

Graffiti in Cairo, Egypt by Bahia Shehab that reads:

“You can crush the flowers but you cannot delay the spring”

arabious:

“A thousand times no” | Bahia Shehab

Ann Arbor-ites! Shehab will be speaking this Friday (via video conference?) about Arab art/artists—2185 North Quad, 12pm.

From the event page:

A Lebanese-Egyptian artist, designer and art historian, Bahia Shehab studies ancient Arabic script and applies it to modern-day issues. She is the Creative Director with MI7-Cairo, working on projects relevant to cultural heritage. Shehab is also an associate professor at the American University in Cairo, where she has developed a four-year graphic design program focusing on the discipline in the Arab world. In addition, Shehab is a TED Fellow and a PhD candidate at Leiden University in Holland.

Shehab notably created a De Beers campaign, which won an International Advertising Association gold award. Her installation A Thousand Times No was displayed at the Haus der Kunst in Munich, Germany, and was published as a book by The Khatt Foundation.

But most recently, Shehab has taken her art to the streets of Cairo, stenciling images in support of her country’s revolution.

Honestly, how can I give up on this beautiful country when people like that exist within it?

يحكى أنَ

فرقة إسكندريلا

Eskenderella is an Egyptian band that was formed in 2001 by a group of passionate musicians from the city of Alexandria. Throughout the first year and a half of their existence, they performed live concerts in different cultural spots in their city. Their music is well-known for its revolutionary focus. At full strength Eskenderella consists of 14 members, several of them second and third generation artists and musicians.

In 2005 they started playing virtually underground venues in Egypt. Listening to their music - let alone composing and performing it - was an act of dissidence. They developed quickly, shifting between revivals of the nation’s classic tunes and ventures into new compositions. They added some original compositions to their musical repertoire, with texts written by leading poets Fouad Hadad and Naguib Shehab el Deen, and young poets Ahmed and Amin Haddad, among others. Relying chiefly on Eastern instruments in its live set-up, Eskenderella also performed famous songs by Sayyed Darwish, Sheikh Imam and Ziad Rahbani. Using collective vocals, a piano, percussion and the oud in their later performances, the band started collecting a wide and passionate audience.

During the 18-day Tahrir sit-in at the beginning of the Egyptian revolution, Eskenderella were one of the first bands to bring their instruments to the square and their music flourished with the revolution. They travelled the country to perform at public gatherings, protests, sit-ins, factories, universities and big theatrical venues. Earlier in 2012, they performed in Gaza, the biggest concert the city had known in two decades. Even in besieged Gaza everyone knew their songs, demanded favourites, and sang along with them.

The song يحكى أنَ (yohka ana - ‘It is said that’) was composed before the Egyptian revolution of 2011 from the words of a poem by Amin Haddad of the same name. The song centers its focus on the various situations that were taking place in the Arab world at the time, mainly the invasion of Iraq. It also criticises the Arab league on their silence as well as the silence of the Arab world on the atrocities that were taking place. The song originally ended with the words يحكى أن إن إحنا سكتنا - ‘It is said that we remained silent.’

However, after the uprisings that took place in the Arab world, the band performed the song but with a different ending (NB: the following translation is idiomatic not literal)

بس سكوتنا مكانش سكوت *** و مفيش أمة تعيش و تموت

But our silence did not remain so, and no people simply live and perish

يحكى أن أن إيه *** شعبنا مسك النور بإيديه

It is said that…what is said? That our people grasped the light with their hand

يحكى أن كان ياما كان *** اللي أراده شعبنا كان

It is said that, once upon a time, the will of the people triumphed

يحكى أن جيل ورا جيل *** مصر إتولدت في التحرير

It is said that generation after generation, Egypt was born in Tahrir square (a reference to the Egyptian revolution of 1919)

يحكى أن يا أبناء *** شمس الثورة من الشهداء

It is said that the revolution is illuminated by its martyrs

يحكى أن يا حرية *** ثورتنا ثورة عربية

It is said. oh freedom, that our revolutions are Arab revolutions

فجر و صبح و ضهر و عصر *** تونس ليبيا سوريا مصر

From dawn, sunrise, afternoon and sunset, Tunisia, Libya, Syria and Egypt

يحكى أن ستعقد قمة *** فيها العدل و فيها الهمة

It is said that a summit will be held, and it will be characterised by justice and enthusiasm (reference to the Arab League)

يحكى أن فجرنا طالع *** و الورد بيطرح في الشارع

It is said that a new dawn is rising, and that roses (i.e. good/pleasant things) are starting to grow on the streets

يحكى أن النور قدامنا

It is said that there is light at the end of the tunnel.

The interactive nature of the song is what I love most about it. The fact that Eskenderella is so in touch with the people and the music of ordinary folk is what sets them apart from other bands on the scene and this is exactly what makes their songs so enjoyable and inspirational.

Smoke & Mirrors: Attacking the Muslim Brotherhood Using Women’s Rights →

kawrage:

Over at Muftah, the brilliant Sara Salem has a piece up on the critique directed towards the Muslim Brotherhood for their policies on women’s rights being decontextualised, dehistorisised and exploitative.

If the aim is to understand the situation of women in Egypt, how is it possible that so many analyses focus on religious and cultural problems (which are blamed on the Muslim Brotherhood or general “Islamic conservatism”) and ignore the role of neoliberal economic policies? It is impossible to discuss the role of women and poverty without addressing the effects capitalism and neoliberalism have had on the Egyptian economy. In times of economic crisis, it is often women who suffer the most. Alleviating economic inequality is rarely discussed, even though it would contribute largely to alleviating women’s suffering.
Selective outrage for the sake of personal or political motives is not going to help Egyptian women or the Egyptian women’s struggle. What is important is to understand the complex dynamics of how and why Egyptian women are suffering; not to make blanket statements about ideology. It is not enough to say that the Islamists are oppressing women without also explaining how, why and in what specific instances this is occurring.

In short, women’s bodies as battlegrounds, women’s rights as rhetoric and women’s empowerment as a political ploy.

And in many authoritarian regimes, gender rights were framed as gifts, bestowed by the benevolent father figure that is the head of state. Except these gifts can be granted or withdrawn, in accordance with the political climate.

Highly recommneded read!

(via badassmuslimahs)

This is one of the most politically aware songs I’ve come across called El Foul wi’il Lahma (the ballad of beans and meat). The guy who sings it, Sheikh Imam (1918-1995) was a leftist Egyptian singer, whose songs galvanized the progressive movement in Egypt, especially in the late 60s and the 70s, and particularly during the reign of President Anwar Sadat. He formed a duo with the great colloquial poet Ahmad Fu’ad Nigm (also written Ahmad Fouad Negm), who composed his lyrics. Sheikh Imam’s songs (and Nigm’s lyrics) were great favorites among the crowds at Tahrir during the January 25th, 2011 revolution in Egypt. Both men were arrested during the rule of Sadat for their work.

This song is one of his most famous, “The ballad of beans [ful] and meat” (sometimes translated as, on the subject of beans and meat). It is in response to Sadat’s economic policies, which involved an “opening” to the West and an attack on government supports for the poor, which had been a mainstay of Gamal ‘Abd al-Nasser’s policies. Today we would call Sadat’s policies neo-liberalism. Sadat’s officials urged the poor and working working classes to tighten their belts. Apparently at one time this involved arguing that they didn’t need to eat so much meat, and that the staple diet of the poor, ful (fava beans) was perfectly adequate. (It reminds one of the efforts by the Reagan administration to classify ketchup as a vegetable — to economize on school lunches — and recent efforts by the Republicans in Congress to similarly classify pizza as a vegetable.) Sheikh Imam and Nigm saw this for what it was, and pushed back.